Thursday, September 11, 2014

150 Years Ago - Yellow Fever Comes to Galveston

This week marks the 150th anniversary of the beginning of a terrible yellow fever epidemic that struck Galveston, TX, during the Civil War.  By the time the epidemic ended with the first frost in November 1864, more than 250 soldiers and civilians had died from the disease, with several times that sick and debilitated. 

I'm so honored that the Galveston County Daily News saw fit to publish a feature article this week that I wrote for them to commemorate the anniversary.  The article was based largely on a chapter in my book, Galveston and the Civil War: An Island City in the Maelstrom (The History Press, 20102), that is devoted to the epidemic.

I happily provide an extended excerpt of that chapter below, with illustrations and hyperlinks to relevant sources.

Chapter Ten
"Fever"

“We were attacked during the summer of 1864 by a silent and insidious enemy against which our heaviest guns availed nothing.  The yellow fever invaded our camp and soon became epidemic, carrying off numbers who had courted death on numerous battlefields and endured the hardships of many campaigns, only to succumb at last to this dreaded scourge.” - Ralph J. Smith, Private, Second Texas Infantry, CSA


Dudley H. Ward was born in 1845 in Austin, Texas, to one of the state’s most notable citizens.  His father, Thomas William “Peg Leg” Ward, was an Irish immigrant who fought in the Texas Revolution (losing a leg to a cannonball in his first battle in 1835; thus the moniker), served as mayor of Austin, state land commissioner, and as United States consul to Panama.  As a teen, Dudley lived with his mother, Susan Marston Ward, but owing to his parents’ marital problems he returned to Texas with his father in 1860, forever estranged from his mother.

Although Thomas Ward was a Unionist and had cast a vote against secession in February 1861 (as did a majority of Austinites), Dudley succumbed to “war fever” and enlisted in the Second Texas Infantry of the Confederate States Army in late 1862.  The regiment distinguished itself in the defense of Vicksburg, Mississippi, but the young Ward and his comrades became prisoners of war when their commander, Lt. Gen John C. Pemberton, surrendered to Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant on July 4, 1863.  Paroled a few days later, Dudley returned to Texas and stayed a few months with his father in Austin until he was officially exchanged in November.  He then rejoined his regiment (much reduced in numbers) at Galveston in its mission to guard the Texas coast. (1)


A faithful correspondent with his father, Dudley wrote in early September 1864 that he had just returned from a short trip to Houston only to learn from his comrades that he “had just got back in time to leave with the Regiment, which was ordered off on account of the yellow fever.”  Dudley, “thinking there was not as much danger as they apprehended” went to his commanding officer, Col. Ashbel Smith, and secured permission to stay in Galveston.  In the same letter, Dudley explained the reasons for his decision:

I think that one will be just as liable to take the disease at camp which is only five miles off, as in the city.  Besides, all the supplies will have to be brought from this post, and if a person happens to be sick in camp he will be almost sure to die from want of nurses, which I understand are more necessary to the cure of the fever than even medicine…and I think it better that if I am to have a visit from the fever it had better come at once when I am young and able to bear it.  There is no certainty however that the yellow fever is here.  There is a great diversity of opinion in regard to the matter...Which side to believe I do not know but will write to tell you with certainty in a few days as soon as the truth can be known, for I am going to stay and “see the elephant.” (2)

[READ MORE ABOUT THE DUDLEY WARD LETTERS HERE]

In his letter, Dudley Ward was describing – and sadly underestimating - a deadly yellow fever epidemic that struck Galveston in the summer and autumn of 1864.  The disease would take many more lives than his regiment lost in their defense of Vicksburg or that fell in Magruder’s victory on New Year’s Day 1863.

“No disease brought more fear and more deaths to Galveston’s early residents than yellow fever,” one modern historian has justly declared.  No less than seven major epidemics struck the island city between 1837 and 1860, killing more than two thousand people.  One early island historian, writing of the first epidemic in 1839 which claimed 250 lives, uses the fitting imagery of war to describe the scene:

[The] busy scene of progressive life and animation was suddenly paralyzed and the energies of the people were instantly numbed by a dreadful fear, and friend looked into the face of friend, neighbor into the face of neighbor, with the fearful inquiry of ‘Who next?’  An epidemic had fallen upon them, and was decimating their ranks with a fatality more dreadful and irresistible than war. (3)

Victim of an 1854 yellow fever epidemic buried in Galveston - photo by James M. Schmidt
In 1839, Dr. Ashbel Smith (the very same man who was Dudley Ward’s commander in 1864) was one of the state’s leading physicians and was present in Galveston during that year’s deadly epidemic.  He treated the sick for several weeks, all the while taking copious clinical notes of his patients’ symptoms, postmortem examinations of victims, and his own experiments.  In a treatise on the epidemic, Smith’s descriptions gave grim witness to why the disease engendered such “dreadful fear”: it came not just from the fact that people died; it came from the way they died: a gruesome days-long march to death with fever, nausea, pain, bleeding from the nose and gums, jaundice that gave the disease its name, and – especially - the signature “black vomit.”

Smith’s treatise, Yellow Fever in Galveston, Republic of Texas, 1839: An Account of the Great Epidemic, was praised by scientists then and has even been acknowledged since by modern medical historians for its “essential clinical information.”  Still, the actual cause of the disease remained a mystery to Smith, and would remain so for other physicians and scientists for another half-century.  For, like other physicians of the era who attributed diseases to invisible “miasmas,” the otherwise talented Smith also believed in “unseen deadly poisons on the wings” of breezes that blew over the island. (4)

SEE AND READ DR. SMITH'S YELLOW FEVER IN GALVESTON HERE:

https://archive.org/stream/2572008R.nlm.nih.gov/2572008R#page/n3/mode/2up

 

In fact, scientists discovered that yellow fever is a virus transmitted by the bite of the female Aedes aegypti mosquito.  The disease was brought to the New World in cargoes of slaves from Africa.  Indeed, yellow fever has been called one of the prices this country paid for slavery by abolitionists of the 19th century and historians of the present century.  Once only the scourge of the ships themselves - sometimes decimating whole crews, their human cargo, or both - the virus soon began to devastate town after town on the eastern shore of the Americas.  As a locus of the Gulf Coast slave trade, it is not surprising that Galveston also inherited the disease.

To make matters worse, the citizens of Galveston were also ill-served by their city fathers, local physicians, and the press who seemed to have a congenital aversion to basic sanitation or to recognize and admit the early warning signs of an epidemic.  Basic precautions such as draining stagnant pools of water and enforcing quarantines on incoming ships would have saved lives.  Furthermore, when the “sickly season” arrived in Galveston each summer and rumors of yellow fever began to be whispered in the streets, it had been “the usual custom of the newspapers…to ignore the evil or to imply that the epidemic was one of minor proportions,” as one historian stated, all in order to preserve the island’s all-important trade and commerce. (5)
During the Civil War, the disease-carrying insects – dubbed by one historian as “mosquito soldiers” - served as a sort of “mercenary force, a third army, one that could work for or against either side depending on the circumstances.”  Owing to that “army” and the historical indifference to sanitation and quarantines on the island, yellow fever played a tragic role in the history of the Civil War in Galveston. (6)

[See my interview with Dr. Andrew Bell, author of Mosquito Soldiers: Malaria, Yellow Fever, and the Course of the American Civil War here]


On May 12, 1864, Confederate surgeon Gustav Holland wrote Brig. Gen. James M. Hawes, in command of the island garrison, of a letter he had been shown “from an old citizen of this place.” Dated April 30, 1864, from Havana, Cuba, the writer stated that “a large number of cases of yellow fever had already occurred there and that they were of such malignant type as to justify the opinion that this would prove a very sickly season.”  The letter would prove prescient, indeed. (7)

The letter from Havana also stated that the writer and others intended “to run a regular line of steamers during the coming summer between Havana and this port.”  Ironically, the Union blockade probably saved lives in Galveston in the first years of the war by preventing some infected ships from reaching the island.  But as the island’s port became one of the few still in Confederate hands, Holland admitted to Hawes  that “the necessities of the country and people are such that we cannot afford to prohibit this intercourse although we may reasonably suspect that it will expose us constantly to the danger of having yellow fever imported among us.” (8)

As a precaution, General Magruder issued an order on August 3, 1864, for a strict quarantine on all ships from the West Indies, Mexico, Central America, or New Orleans, until November 15, 1864.  The next day – perhaps owing to protests from the city’s merchants – Magruder reduced the quarantine to eight days, and only for those ships coming from places known to be infected.  As one historian declared, “these watered-down precautions would prove to be woefully inadequate.”  The same historian – an expert in Galveston maritime history – has suggested that the 1864 epidemic was brought to Galveston on blockade runners from Havana. (9)

Soon, rumors of a yellow fever epidemic began hitting the streets and the usual pattern of denial by the city’s physicians and press prevailed.  Greensville Dowell, M.D., a surgeon attached to a Texas artillery regiment, recalled:

When [yellow fever] originated in Galveston, in 1864, I know it was disputed until there were at least seven deaths from black vomit, and four of our yellow fever doctors signed a statement that there were no cases in the city…I was threatened with a court-martial for declaring it was yellow fever. The positive assertions that it did not exist, kept many persons in the city who would have left, and prevented the post commander, General Hawes, from removing the troops out of the city. (10)

SEE AND READ DR. DOWELL'S BOOK HERE:

https://archive.org/stream/39002086312296.med.yale.edu#page/n5/mode/2up

Like a veteran returning to an old battlefield, Col. Ashbel Smith - who had famously documented the 1839 epidemic – found himself in Galveston during other island yellow fever epidemics in 1847, 1853, 1854, and the wartime epidemic of 1864.  He also complained of the delay, writing in a letter that, “The army surgeons have appeared to much disadvantage, doubting and denying the existence of the disease, while persons are dying of black vomit in rapid succession…it was impossible for me to mistake so distinctly characteristic a disease.” (11)

In mid-September, Dudley Ward wrote his father, “The physicians one and all have pronounced the prevailing disease yellow fever; there are upwards of a hundred cases of it and although it is in rather a mild form, of it two to five persons are buried every day."  According to Galveston internment records, the first official death credited to yellow fever (previous deaths were certainly misdiagnosed, perhaps purposely) was that of the Rev. H. Browning, a 40-year old minister from Germany, on September 5, 1864; the first soldier fell to the disease eight days later.  The death toll then accelerated quickly, in a “gradual, persistent and fatal march from house to house,” as one doctor remembered. (12)

The yellow fever hit the soldiers as hard as it did civilians: of the 259 yellow fever deaths recorded from September through November, 117 were soldiers and sailors, 126 were citizens of the city (split evenly between those ten years and younger and those older than ten), and sixteen were African-Americans.  Among the soldiers, Dudley Ward’s regiment – the Second Texas Infantry – suffered the most, losing thirty-one men.  In his memoirs, Ralph J. Smith, a private in the Second Texas with Ward, wrote of the epidemic:

This was a time that tried men's souls beyond the test of battle shouts. No surging crowds of men to urge one on to victory or death yet now what heroic bravery it required to sit alone through the sad and silent watches of the night beside a plague-stricken-comrade's bed and minister to the dying wants of one whose very breath exhaled death into the surrounding atmosphere. (13)

SEE AND READ RALPH SMITH'S MEMOIR HERE:

https://archive.org/stream/reminisencesofci00smit#page/n3/mode/2up

On September 14, Gen. Hawes put out a call for help in the Houston Telegraph, asking citizens “to organize a corps of nurses for Yellow Fever patients” as there was not a sufficient number of “acclimated men” under his command to furnish the necessary nurses and attendants.  Ralph Smith wrote kindly of the soldiers and women who attended to the sick:

But men were found in camp and women too in the city whose thoughts of self were drowned in other's cup of trembling so that not one was left to suffer and die alone. And here during this, epidemic was displayed equally as much heroism if not more than is required to go in to battle both by soldiers and also the good women of the city, true heroines indeed who so kindly cared for and ministered to the sick and dying soldiers. (14)

The epidemic also affected law and order in the city.  If there was a dearth of “acclimated men” to assist in the hospitals, there were fewer still for guards and military police.  Patrols of the city were necessarily neglected and burglaries, murders, and rapes increased.  Undoubtedly some of the crimes were perpetrated by soldiers, further increasing tension between the city and the garrison.
Mercifully, the 1864 epidemic ended when late November brought heavy frosts.

Despite the epidemic raging around him in the late summer of 1864, Dudley Ward declared cheerfully in a letter to his father, “my health continues to be good and I hope will still be so for some time in spite of epidemics...I am doing remarkably well and have not felt the least inconvenience as yet…I have no fears of the disease.”  He concluded by asking his father for some “specie” (“Confederate money is literally worth nothing,” he acknowledged) in the event that “Yellow Jack lays his hands on me” and he should need some medicine. (15)

It was the last letter the young soldier would write to his father: the yellow fever did “lay his hands” on Dudley H. Ward.  He died on September 19, 1864 – only five days after writing the letter - and was buried a day later in the “Soldier’s Rest” section of the Old Potter’s Field in the city cemetery.  The exact location of Ward’s grave - and those of other soldiers - was lost in the 1900 hurricane.  In 2000, a marker was erected to commemorate the final resting place of Ward and more than two hundred other Confederate soldiers who died of disease during the war in Galveston. (16)

Sources

(1) The best source for information on Ward and his family is David C. Humphrey’s Peg Leg: The Improbable Life of a Texas Hero, Thomas William Ward, 1807-1872 (Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 2004).
(2) Letter, September 7, 1864, Galveston, TX, Dudley H. Ward to Thomas H. Ward, Dudley Ward Papers, Texas General Land Office (hereafter TGLO),  Austin, TX.
(3) Hardwick, Susan W. Mythic Galveston: Reinventing America’s Third Coast. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002, p. 27; Hayes, Charles W. History of the Island and the City of Galveston, 2 vol., Austin, TX: Jenkins Garrett Press, 1974, Vol. 1, 387.
(4) Ashbel Smith, Yellow Fever in Galveston, Republic of Texas, 1839: An Account of the Great Epidemic (reprint of the original, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1951), pp. vi-vii, 18.
(5) Fornell, Earl W. The Galveston Era: The Texas Crescent on the Eve of Secession. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1961, p. 66.
(6) Andrew M. Bell, Mosquito Soldiers: Malaria, Yellow Fever, and the Course of the American Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2010), p. 4.
(7) Letter, May 12, 1864, Galveston, Texas, Dr. Gustave Holland to Brig. James M. Hawes, M331, Compiled Service Records (CSR) of Confederate General and Staff Officers, and Nonregimental Enlisted Men, NARA.
(8) Ibid.

(9) Andrew Hall, “Did Denbigh Bring Yellow Fever to Galveston?” “Dead Confederates” blog, http://deadconfederates.com/2010/07/09/did-denbigh-bring-yellow-fever-to-galveston/
(10) Greensville S. Dowell, Yellow Fever and Malarial Diseases: Embracing a History of the Epidemics of Yellow Fever in Texas (Philadelphia: Medical Publications, 1876), 26.
(11) Cotham, Edward T. Battle on the Bay: The Civil War Struggle for Galveston. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998, p. 166.
(12) Letter, September 14, 1864, Galveston, TX, Dudley H. Ward to Thomas H. Ward, Dudley Ward Papers, TGLO; Peggy H. Gregory, comp., Record of Internments of the City of Galveston, 1859-1872 (Houston: privately printed, 1976), 42; Dowell, Yellow Fever, 43.
(13) Ralph J. Smith, Reminisences of Civil War (Waco, TX: W. M. Morrison, 1911), 18.
(14) Galveston Weekly News, September 15, 1864; Smith, Reminisences, 19.
(15) Letter, September 14, 1864, Galveston, TX, Dudley H. Ward to Thomas H. Ward, Dudley Ward Papers, TGLO.
(16) Gregory, Record of Internments, 44.“A Guide to the Dudley Ward Papers, 1863-1864,” Texas Archival Resources Online (TARO), http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/txglo/00001/glo-00001.html





Thursday, July 31, 2014

Medical Department #47 - Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl

I'm pleased to provide below the text from my most recent "Medical Department" column in Civil War News.

“Medical Department”
August 2014
By Jim Schmidt
 
“Our Bodies, Ourselves”

"Slavery is terrible for men; but it is far more terrible for women. Superadded to the burden common to all, they have wrongs, and sufferings, and mortifications peculiarly their own." - Harriet Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861)

 
Anti-Slavery Bugle - Lisbon, OH - November 03, 1860

Recently, I read Harriet Jacobs’s Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, first published in 1861. I was inspired to read it for two reasons: first, it seemed a good companion to last year’s award-winning film, Twelve Years a Slave (based on the 1853 narrative by Solomon Northup); second, on account of reading a recent excellent article, “"[No] Doctor but My Master": Health Reform and Antislavery Rhetoric in Harriet Jacobs's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl” (J Med Humanit, Mar 2014), by Sarah L. Berry, Ph.D.

“Northrup’s narrative is a classic among the thousands of narratives told or written by enslaved men,” Dr. Berry wrote me after kindly agreeing to an interview, adding that, “Jacobs’s narrative is absolutely unique in being the only narrative written by a formerly enslaved woman before the Civil War and in directly addressing the sexual exploitation and disrupted parenting of enslaved women. Jacobs was brave to disclose the full extent of her experience to a middle-class female readership.”

Dr. Berry makes several important points that tie together the study of slavery and medicine that should be of interest to readers of this column: 1) she emphasizes Jacobs’s experience about the particular suffering of female slaves, especially in terms of sexual exploitation; 2) she demonstrates the power wielded by slaveholding physicians over the bodies and medical treatment of their female slaves (and of free white females); 3) she notes how Jacobs criticized the “heroic” medicine of the early-1800s; and 4) she explains how Incidents was more than an abolitionist track, but also part of the broader reform literature of the era, including medical reform.

Dr. Berry has a most interesting and diverse academic background – “I have a BS in Biology and a PhD in English, with experience in lab work and clinical research and, post-PhD, expertise in the field of Health Humanities,” she told me - which is wonderfully expressed in her equally diverse teaching, research, and writing interests: medicine, literature, social justice, and health. Most recently on the faculty of the English Department of Hobart and William Smith Colleges in New York, she’ll soon begin a new assignment as Assistant Professor of Biomedical Humanities at Hiram College in Ohio.
 
Harriet Jacobs - c1890s
Jacobs’s Incidents appealed to Dr. Berry owing to her general interest in women’s first-person narratives.  “I wanted to investigate them deeply to see if broad statements about women’s powerlessness that are often made in nineteenth-century studies were always true,” she told me, adding, “I wanted to learn about the nitty-gritty details of a woman’s life with illness, or injury, and medical treatment, and as a result I became very interested in the details of medical men’s practices.”

While Jacobs’s narrative has been analyzed by literature and history scholars, Dr. Berry recognized that no one found “Dr. Flint’s” (the fictionalized name of Harriet Jacobs’s master, Dr. James Norcom) profession as a physician important enough to mention. “That’s when I decided to go to Raleigh [North Carolina] and read his papers for myself, to find out what kind of doctor he was, and how that affected Jacobs,” Dr. Berry said.

Indeed, Dr. Berry’s essay is well-researched, drawing on Incidents itself, the papers of Jacobs’s master, Dr. James Norcom, the papers of mid-19th century reformers such as Amy Post, and recent scholarship in gender, slavery, abolition  and other 19th-century reform movements, medicine, and other academic studies.

 

Dr James Norcom - NC Museum of History
She compared what she found in Norcom’s personal writings with what Jacobs said about him, and about living her life under his thumb. “The results of my research bring to light many biographical and historical facts about Norcom that have not been discussed in the scholarship, and that help illuminate Jacobs’s unique abolitionist strategy of tying anti-slavery with anti-medicine arguments to appeal to a specifically white, middle-class female audience that was already beginning to protest both slavery and medicine in the 1850s when Jacobs was writing,” Dr. Berry explained.

Dr. Berry notes that Harriet Jacobs lived periodically among female reformers of Rochester, NY, who had responsibility for their family’s health. For these women, heroic medical practices were under debate and critiqued as too harsh, too expensive, and ineffective.  As an example of the treatments they criticized, Dr. Berry shares some of Dr. Norcom’s notes on his treatment of a (white) female patient:

“The case of Miss E. Boushel came out of the hands of Dr. Warren who had been prescribing for her, more than a year. She was never bled, seldom purged & only once or twice cupped – morphia & blisters were the remedies principally relied on for her relief. I have found her to require large depletion, active purgatives & strong revulsive remedies.”

Dr. Berry notes in the article that this is much more than an example of the “heroic” medicine practiced in the era, writing, “Norcom aggressively asserted control not only over Boushel’s disease, but also over body as a site for professional competition.” [One of the most interesting storylines in Incidents is Norcom’s “treatment” of Harriet’s original mistress; her subsequent death resulted in her transfer to Norcom’s household.]

“She also drew very clear parallels between the sexual endangerment of free female patients by male doctors who were increasingly taking over gynecology and obstetrics from midwives and the systematic sexual exploitation of enslaved girls and women,” Dr. Berry told me. In doing so, Jacobs “helped her make her case that white women and women of color were equals in terms of bodily rights and vulnerability to men,” she added.

No wonder that the reformers were pressing instead for alternatives that they perceived as gentler and more effective, such as the water cure. Likewise, Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell sought to become a physician in no small part to the “moral degradation…from the practice of being treated by men in female complaints” suffered by free and enslaved females, alike.

Until now, my reading in this area had been limited to Todd Savitt’s Medicine and Slavery (1978).  “Savitt is classic and indispensable,” Dr. Berry told me, and happily added some other recommended reading for us: “Sharla M. Fett’s book - Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (2002) - is an absolute pleasure; very accessible writing and very fascinating insight and evidence into the social and political convergence of African, indigenous, and European healing practices in numerous regions of the south.”

She also lists Harriet Washington’s Medical Apartheid (2006), Deborah McGregor’s From Midwives to Medicine (1998), and Marie Schwartz’s Birthing a Slave: Motherhood and Medicine in the Antebellum South (2006).

Dr. Berry acknowledges that hers is certainly not the last word on the intersection of Jacobs, Incidents, slavery, and medicine, and sees many opportunities for other avenues of research. “A larger outcome of my archival research was to suggest to me and I hope others the need for deep historical contextualization of enslaved peoples’ narratives in relation to medicine, healing, and the social power of the physician in the antebellum south,” she wrote me.

In her research she found account books and papers from other Edenton, North Carolina (Jacobs’s home until she escaped to the North) physicians, and believes that “much more ought to be investigated,” using those sources to see differences in the treatment of enslaved African-Americans and free whites in the antebellum South.

Web Exclusive: Link to full text of Harriet Jacobs's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl:


https://archive.org/stream/01172152.4717.emory.edu/01172152_4717#page/n5/mode/2up

 

Tuesday, June 17, 2014

Dr. John S. Sappington - Part III - A Paper Chase

One of many folders of the Dr. John Sappington Papers - State Historical Society of Missouri - Jim Schmidt
"Medicine sales very light; stock is old, labels become old and soiled." - Letter, January 3, 1852, J. D. Gregory to Miles Marmaduke.

Earlier this year I had the great pleasure and privilege of being part of a nonfiction author panel at the 2014 Montgomery County (TX) Book Festival.  One of the authors on the panel was the well-known True Crime writer, Kathryn Casey. She was really nice and interesting.  In answer to a question from the audience about how she does her research, she mentioned that she conducts dozens of interviews for each book - often more than a hundred.

When asked about my research techniques, I said - only half-tongue-in-cheek - that I also did dozens of interviews.  Then I explained that in my case, I didn't interrogate people...I interrogated their "papers" - letters, diaries, receipts, etc. - in order to get the best feeling I could for them, in their own words.

And so it was, as part of this continuing adventure (Part I and II here and here) to learn more about Dr. John Sappington of Arrow Rock, Missouri, I went to his collection of papers (and the Sappington Family Papers), which are right here in Columbia, Missouri, at the State Historical Society.

To - er - paraphrase Boromir from Lord of the Rings:


Created by Yours Truly Using the Meme Generator :-)

That's right! It takes some preparation to make the best use of your time and to help the (ever-helpful) archivists help you!

So, I revisited the great advice my good friend Guy Hasegawa gave me, which proved helpful in my last visit to an archival collection at the Galveston and Texas History Center (blog post about that visit here):

“First, do your homework, and be as specific as possible in stating your research interest,” he told me...His second suggestion is to allow plenty of time: “It takes time to locate microfilm or have paper records retrieved,” he said. He also noted that Civil War documents are generally handwritten and are difficult to read quickly. In short, he concludes: “Don’t fool yourself into thinking that any sizable project can be done in one day.”

So, first I did my homework!

The SHS-Columbia has some excellent online manuscript finding aids for the Dr. Sappington Papers (here) and the Sappington Family Papers (here), which helped with making a list before I arrived of items I wanted to see. Also, Lynn Morrow's excellent and scholarly article, “Dr. John Sappington: Southern Patriarch in the New West.” Missouri Historical Review, v. 90, no. 1 (October 1995), pp. 38-60 (here) - included references to a lot of material that would be interesting, so I "mined" his footnotes and made a list of papers I knew I'd want to see.

Second, I limited the amount of material I would ask for, especially since the Saturday hours at the SHS are more limited than weekdays. I identified a few folders I was interested in.  There was indeed more that I would have looked at (and will!)...the time spent in reading and transcribing sometimes doesn't allow for seeing everything, so be sure and prioritize!

It's also important to know the policies and procedures of an archive before you visit as to regulations for what paper, writing utensils, computers, photography, etc. are or are not allowed. The SHS policies are here.




The staff at the SHS-Columbia were VERY helpful and courteous...I look forward to visiting again!

In looking at the Sappington Papers I got a wonderful glimpse into the day-to-day mechanics of his patent medicine enterprise:

Letters from entrepreneurial spirits of all kinds seeking permission to have an exclusive Sappington's Anti-Fever Pills agency.

Handwritten testimonials from satisfied users, some of whom also sought an agency

Letters from agents in the field complaining about the blight of all successful patent medicine proprietors: counterfeit medicine.

Correspondence on the quinine (the principal active ingredient in his pills) market.

Reports that his medicine was not doing as well as the medicines of local proprietors

One of many folders of the Dr. John Sappington Papers - State Historical Society of Missouri - Jim Schmidt

Letters from agents urging Dr. Sappington to advertise that his pills did not contain mineral ingredients

Letters about collection efforts - Sappington was vigilant in collections - more than one set of papers detailed his procurement of slaves in settlement of a debt.

And - much interesting correspondence about the publication and distribution of his book, Sappington on Fevers, discussed in the previous post

It was a great trip and I look forward to returning! Many thanks to the helpful folks at the SHS-Columbia! And: please USE and SUPPORT your local archives...often, if people aren't using them, they'll have a harder time justifying the necessary expense of professional archivists and proper storage and conservation.

Saturday, June 14, 2014

Dr. John S. Sappington - Part II - "Sappington on Fevers"

Jim Schmidt Collection
"As I have long since departed from the theory and practice in which I was principally taught, and am now engaged in writing against them, it may be proper that I should give my reasons to the public for doing so."  — Dr. John Sappington, Theory and Treatment of Fevers (1844)

In Part I of this series (here), I introduced Dr. John Sappington of Arrow Rock, Missouri, and his "Anti-Fever Pills," a popular remedy in the 1830s and 40s.

In this post, I'll describe another of Sappington's accomplishments: his publication, in 1844, of Theory and Treatment of Fevers, also known as Sappington on Fevers.

The book is important on several counts:

It is one of the earliest books published west of the Mississippi and the first medical book printed in Missouri (some say it was the first medical book published west of the Mississippi)

In the book, he criticizes what he called the "pukes and purgatives" practice of so-called "heroic medicine," which included the heavy use of calomel and bloodletting.

He also revealed the recipe of his pills (much to the consternation of family members who grew rich off agencies and collections):

Jim Schmidt Collection
"Although the author has vended pills to a large amount, and realized considerable sums of money by his sales, the people have also saved a great many dollars by using them; been relieved of much pain and suffering, and very many lives have no doubt been saved and prolonged. The author considers himself driven to this alternative, more from motives of benevolence than from those of self-interest." (p. 79)

 “[The pills] were simply composed of one grain quinine each, three-fourths of a grain of liquorice, and one-fourth grain of myrrh, to which was added just so much of the oil of sassafras as would give to them an agreeable odor” (p. 79)

Sappington printed about 25,000 copies of the book and took advantage of his network of agents to sell them.  He also published notices in papers such as this:

 

Boon's Lick Times (MO) - October 19, 1844


Unfortunately for Sappington the book did not achieve great sales...originally priced at $2.00, plummeted to twenty cents a few years later, and finally for five cents in 1854.

A link to the full text of the book is provided below via archive.org.  I obtained a great softcover reprint of the book via the Friends of Arrow Rock for the bargain price of $5.00.  Still, curious to see if an actual 1844 copy might be available, I scoured one of my favorite rare book sites: ABEBooks and was fortunate to find a copy for a very affordable price and happily in great condition (for being 170 years old!): good, if worn, binding, and some foxing on the pages, but otherwise a really nice addition to my personal library...other extant copies  can still be found, with price generally depending on condition.

https://archive.org/stream/2571008R.nlm.nih.gov/2571008R


 

Thursday, June 12, 2014

Dr. John S. Sappington - Part I - Sappington's Anti-Fever Pills

"He prescribed blue pills, oil and other nauseating doses, and though they relieved me some, the chief cure was "Dctr. Sappington's Pills," which I must ever eulogize as a medicine of fine qualities. One box of them administered by mi alma cured me or at least broke the fever. After great prostration of body I am again creeping out." - Diary, Susan Shelby Magoffin, 1846-47

A couple weekends ago I had the great pleasure of visiting the Arrow Rock State Historic Site in Missouri. Having never been there before - and with two or three specific destinations in mind - I had little idea of what the site had to offer.

What a wonderful place it is! I can't wait to go back and enjoy more! The entire locale of Arrow Rock (Est. 1829) is on the National Register of Historic Places, with about 1/3 privately owned, 1/3 owned by the state, and another 1/3 owned by an active preservation organization, The Friends of Arrow Rock.

A summary of the site can be found on the official state parks page:

Stroll through the history of a once-bustling river town that’s now the serene village of Arrow Rock.  You’ll walk streets lined with the architecture of the historic “Boone’s Lick Country.” At Arrow Rock State Historic Site, you may wander into the historic Old Tavern, which dates back to 1834 and provides a dining experience in a period setting or see displays of old-time wares at the Huston Store. You can learn about it all through exhibits in the visitor center. The historic site is part of the larger Village of Arrow Rock, which features quaint stores and a bevy of antique shops.

One destination I did have is dedicated to one of Arrow Rock's foremost citizens: Dr. John S. Sappington (1776-1856)

Sappington is of great interest to me for several reasons:
  •  He was the force behind an early American proprietary/patent medicine: Sappington's Anti-Fever Pills, a medicine popular in the Midwest and South in the 1830s-40s
  • He was the author of the first medical treatise published west of the Mississippi
  • His (and his family's) papers are located at the state historical society branch here in Columbia
  • His extended family had powerful political influence in the mid-19th century (two of his sons-in-law were Missouri governors)

So, in this series of blog posts, I'll share some of what I've seen and learned about this man, his business, and his family.

You can learn about Dr. John S. Sappington by visiting the  "Historic Missourians" website of the State Historical Society of Missouri.

Arrow Rock is the home of the Dr. John Sappington Museum, which I happily visited to learn more about his Anti-Fever Pills.

Logansport (IN) Telegraph July 27, 1839
The history of the pills is briefly presented in his online biography:

Financially successful, Sappington continued to practice medicine. He began to experiment with quinine, a substance derived from the bark of the cinchona tree, a species native to South America. Sappington began importing cinchona bark as early as 1820, but it was only years later that he discovered its most promising medicinal use as a preventative against malarial fever. Dr. Sappington's Anti-Fever Pills.


Malaria, an infectious disease passed from mosquitoes to humans, ravaged much of early America. People who lived near bodies of water or in areas of swampy, poorly drained land were among those most likely to contract the disease. Once infected, an individual suffered from high fever, chills, vomiting, and joint pain. Missourians who lived along the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers were often susceptible to malaria.

In 1832, using quinine taken from cinchona bark, Sappington developed a pill to cure a variety of fevers, such as scarlet fever, yellow fever, and influenza. He sold “Dr. Sappington's Anti-Fever Pills” across Missouri. Demand became so great that within three years Dr. Sappington founded a new company known as Sappington and Sons to sell his anti-fever pills nationwide. The anti-fever pills were popular in Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas.
[Note: Unfortunately, many enthusiastic biographers declare that Sappington "discovered" cinchona bark (and quinine's) efficicay in treating malaria.In fact it had long been used by natives in Peru, from where the bark was imported to the United States, and had appeared in some European medicines in the mid-1600s.]

A better picture of Sappington and his pills can be found in these articles:

T. Findley, "Sappington's anti-fever pills and the Westward migration," Trans Am Clin Climatol Assoc. 1968; 79: 34–44. (Full text as PDF here)

Morrow, Lynn. “Dr. John Sappington: Southern Patriarch in the New West.” Missouri Historical Review, v. 90, no. 1 (October 1995), pp. 38-60. (here)


The next parts of this blog post will feature:

Part II - Sappington's 1844 medical treatise: "The Theory and Treatment of Fevers"
Part III - The interesting Sappington Papers at the State Historical Society of Missouri
Part IV - The Sappington Family Cemetery State Historic Site - final resting place of Dr. John S. Sappington and two Missouri governors: both of them his sons-in-law
Part V- The Sappington Negro Cemetery - Dr. John S. Sappington was a slaveholder, and slavery is an important aspect of Arrow Rock's history

The Sappington Museum is small but tells the story very ably and has some terrific artifacts on display for persons interested in 19th-century medicine, as seen my photos below.




Sappington began his investigations with cinchona bark but then bought hundreds - if not thousands - of pounds of purified quinine from wholesale druggists in Philadelphia

Medical Text, c. 1770s, belonged to Sappington’s father, also a physician

Reproduction of a typical Sappington's Pills Broadside

Bark of the Cinchona Tree

Ledger Book for Sale of the Pills in Tennessee and Alabama, 1849-50






Friday, June 6, 2014

TULSA WORLD - June 6, 1944

I love old newspapers.  The look, the feel, the news - of course - the ads, the unexpected finds.

Newspapers published on a particularly historic day are all the more interesting - the older the event, there are often more innaccuracies in the first stories, and if you have a few days worth of the same paper, you can see how the story develops.

Today is the 70th anniversary of D-Day, June 6, 1944.

I happily share some images from a June 6, 1944 (Final Evening Edition) issue of the Tulsa World in my collection. Bold Headlines. Breaking News. Statemets from the President. Cheap Suits. Rationed Cigarettes.

Enjoy.  Remember.








Tuesday, May 27, 2014

Courage, Sacrifice, Humanity, Equality - the Soldiers' Memorial in Jefferson City, MO

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt
"I think about 25 colored men of this regiment & Capt Mc, Lt. Anderson, Charlie Bonsall & myself will settle together in Missouri, put up a mill & schoolhouse." - Letter - Lt. Richard Baxter Foster, 62nd USCT, to his wife, March 30, 1865

As a follow up to my previous post (here) about Jefferson City National Cemetery, I happily offer another post about a wonderful place to visit in Missouri's Capital City: The Soldiers' Memorial, at Lincoln University, in honor of the men who served in the 62nd and 65th United States Colored Infantry.

Indeed, the memorial is only blocks away from the cemetery and is a natural for a combined visit!

The regiments and the university are intimately connected.  According to the official website of Lincoln University:
Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt
Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

At the close of the Civil War, soldiers and officers of the 62nd United States Colored Infantry, stationed at Fort McIntosh, Texas, but composed primarily of Missourians, took steps to establish an educational institution in Jefferson City, Missouri, which they named Lincoln Institute. The following stipulations were set for the school:

1.  The institution shall be designed for the special benefit of the freed African-Americans;
2.  It shall be located in the state of Missouri;
3.  Its fundamental idea shall be to combine study and labor.

Members of the 62nd Colored Infantry contributed $5,000; this was supplemented by approximately $1,400, given by the 65th Colored Infantry. On January 14, 1866, Lincoln Institute was formally established under an organization committee. By June of the same year, it incorporated and the committee became a Board of Trustees. Richard Baxter Foster, a former first lieutenant in the 62nd Infantry, was named first principal of Lincoln Institute. On September 17, 1866, the school opened its doors to the first class in an old frame building in Jefferson City.


There is a plethora of great material on the regiments and the monument on the web...links to a few are provided below:

1) The "Jubilo! The Emancipation Century" blog has an excellent entry on the soldiers, university and monument here
2) Lincoln University holds a collection of Richard Baxter Foster's wartime letters which can be accessed here.
3) A short, but excellent, article, written for the NY Times Diunion blog, on the legacy of the 62nd USCT here (includes a short, but excellent, reading list at the end)
4) The sculptor - Ed Dwight - is a remarkable man: from America’s First African American Astronaut Candidate to Fine Artist, you can learn more about him here.

As you'll see below, the monument has several elements...in Mr. Dwight's words:

"This memorial honors their foresight and vision, featuring Two Soldiers and Capt. Foster, their white commander atop the pedestal, plus a soldier to the rear assisting other soldiers in their climb to academic excellence. This is enhanced by a
bas relief group of soldiers awaiting matriculation and two additional soldiers in full garb trudging across the campus heading to their destiny."


Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt
Add this monument to your must-see list! Enjoy the photos!

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt

Soldiers' Memorial - Lincoln University - Photo by Jim Schmidt